|
The role of Developing Countries in the value chain
Raw Materials
The availability of raw materials to the traditional leather
manufacturing industries of the developed countries is influenced
by the export restrictions imposed by developing countries. Until
recently these restrictions meant that 50% of the world bovine
hides and 22% of sheepskins were subject to restricted export
(Vila 2000) i.e. had to undergo some form of processing before
export.
Table 6 lists restrictions to exports of raw hides and skins
valid in early 2000. Restrictions appear in large producers in
both developing and developed countries.
An example of what is considered as non-tariff barriers among
large producers of leather products is highlighted in recent news
from India: The Economic times comments on the potential threat
of new technical specifications on product quality that are emerging
in the main buyer countries of the industrialized world, that
could negatively affect the US $2 billion trade of Indian leather
products. The Indian Council of Leather Exports is considering
the new specifications as non-tariff barriers.
Table - Restrictions to Exports of Hides and Skins
in Selected Countries
|
Export Countries
|
| Bovine |
Export Restriction |
Small Skins |
Export Restriction |
|
France
Germany
Great Britain
USA
Russia
Australia
Argentina
Brazil
|
None
None
None
None
From Wet Blue
From Wet Blue
From Wet Blue
From Wet Blue
|
Nigeria
Ethiopia
New Zealand
India
Indonesia
China
|
From crust
From Wet Blue
From Wet Blue
From finished crust
From finished crust
From crust
(Pigskins and goat skins)
|
Source: Icex in: ( Vila 2000)
Competitiveness in the production of footwear
At the beginning of the 90s, the two most fundamental determinants
of competitiveness in footwear production were considered to be,
production costs and the differential impact of trade barriers.
At that time other, less quantifiable factors that influence competitiveness
were considered to be the following: technological developments;
proximity to major markets and the role of quick response; requirements
for high quality production; access to technology and management,
design and marketing skills; the increasing importance of offshore,
joint venture and contract production and some more country–specific
factors such as political and infrastructure constraints and the
availability of raw materials and components(Landell Mills 1990).
The significance of several of the above factors for the next
five years has been subject to revisions. At a recent conference,
it was predicted that factors (different from shoemaking technology)
to make shoes better, quicker or more productively than before
will be driving the footwear industry in the new millennium (SATRA
Conference, Hong Kong, April 2000).
The importance of trade barriers and quotas may also diminish
with China’s admission to the WTO. Trade barriers and existing
quotas in the EU and the United states would fall and the possibility
for China to negotiate worldwide reductions on import duties would
be open (World Footwear September/October 2000).
The global supply chain of footwear which developed in the last
decade and which is replacing the traditional pattern of integrated
shoemaking (leather processing, tanning, finishing and shoe manufacturing
in many developed countries) has been an agent for the transfer
of designs, the introduction of modern management practices, quick
response, and technology and quality improvement to producing
developing countries participating in outsourcing, and has provided
the producer countries with indirect access to major markets.
Competitiveness in the production stages of the chain has been
addressed, in many instances, through the promotion of collective
efficiency by enterprises operating within clusters and industrial
districts as discussed in other sections of the paper The design
and managing of different types of marketing and distribution
global chains represent the challenge of the present decade to
stay competitive in a fast changing world.
Labour Costs as a factor of Competitiveness
Labour costs continue to be a dominant factor of competitiveness.
The slow technical development in footwear operations, particularly
in the production of uppers makes footwear manufacturing such
a labour intensive operation that entrepreneurs are induced to
search for countries and regions with lower wages. More efficient
use of labour is required even in regions/countries usually considered
sources of unlimited cheap wages, as is the case of Southern
China. The differences in labour costs in 1998 provide a partial
explanation for Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong having been displaced
from the group of the ten top footwear producers in the course
of the last decade.
Table 7. Labour Costs in Selected Footwear Producing Countries,
1998
|
Country
|
US $/hr
|
|
Korea
|
7.2
|
|
Taiwan
|
5.9
|
|
Hong Kong
|
5.4
|
|
Portugal
|
5.3
|
|
Brazil
|
1.5
|
|
Indonesia
|
0.7
|
|
Romania
|
0.7
|
|
China
|
0.6
|
|
Vietnam
|
0.6
|
|
Thailand
|
0.5
|
|
Pakistan
|
0.2
|
|
India
|
0.2
|
Source: Labour Department and BASF internal, in:
“Status and Outlook of the Leather Industry
in the New Millennium”
L.Vila, BASF, presented at the Round Table of the Leather Industry,
Bologna, 6 May 2000.
3.2.2 Production Costs
The high proportion of material costs in total costs in footwear
manufacturing in developing countries and economies in transition
is cited as one reason for their preference for job subcontract
in the production of shoes (UNIDO, Schmel, 2000). While in Italy
labour costs correspond to 38% of the total production costs,
in Hungary 10% and in Zimbabwe 6%. Materials costs have a much
larger influence on total production cost, they represent 54%
the total cost in Hungary and 76% in Zimbabwe and 45% in Italy.)
|
|
Table 8.
Labour Costs and Production Costs in Selected Countries
|
Country/Region
|
Labour Costs
|
Total Production Costs
|
|
US $/hr
|
per pair of Oxford
Shoes
|
|
India
|
0.2
|
12.8-17.3
|
|
China
|
0.6
|
12.8-17.3
|
|
Romania
|
0.7
|
12.8-17.3
|
|
Philippines
|
4
|
12.8-17.3
|
|
Italy
|
14.3
|
23.3
|
|
France
|
20.7
|
30.5
|
Source: UNIDO, December 11, 2000 “Structure and
Production Costs in Footwear Manufacture, Prepared by F. Schmel
for the 14 Session of the Leather Products Industry Panel.
|
|
3.3 The Creation of Global Networks
Globalization has been defined as the erosion of barriers to
the international flow of goods (Schmitz 1998). In the case of
the leather processing industry globalization started with the
gradual relocation of manufacturing activities, first from Western
Europe to Asia, Pakistan, South Korea, India, then to South Eastern
Asia, China, Indonesia and Vietnam. In the last few years there
has been a move of multinationals towards East Europe and Central
Asian bringing job-work for the manufacturing of leather and
leather products to Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan (Schmel
1998). In this manner, the traditional pattern of integrated shoemaking
and other leather articles is being replaced by a global supply
chain stretching across different countries, zones and cultures.
Prokopenko indicates that in the economy of globalization, the
comparative advantages of nations are exploited and integrated
with the main objective of seeking cost efficiency and value
added productivity. A dominant characteristic of the economy of
globalization is a continuous drive for performance competitiveness
among countries and companies and even among units inside the
company (Prokopenko 2000). The factors of production in this economy
are very flexible and can be shifted easily from one place to
another.
Cooperation between firms is required for attaining higher competitiveness
through productivity growth and market expansion. One of effective
way of improving competitiveness is to adopt business network
forms. Industrial clusters and industrial districts are examples
of inter firm networks with sectoral and geographic concentration.
3.3.1. Industrial Clusters in the Global Networks
The Sinos Valley Footwear Cluster in Brazil
The Sinos Valley footwear cluster in Brazil - studied and discussed
by Schmitz and others, has provided abundant information on the
characteristics of an industrial district, its internal linkages
and its linkages to external markets as well as its evolution
through time.
Analyzing this cluster in Brazil, Schmitz observed and recorded
a series of events and developments that by 1991 had taken place
in Sinos valley that could explain the success of the cluster’s
footwear industry in the local and external markets (it accounted
for a very high portion of the Brazilian shoe exports and a large
coverage of the local market).
In the history of the cluster’s development, the following characteristics
were observed by Schmitz, all of which the specialized literature
had identified as requirements for success in the development
and operation of industrial clusters:
- division of labour and specialization among firms;
- the provision of specialized products and services at short
notice;
- the emergency of suppliers to provide raw materials and components;
- the growth of suppliers of second hand machinery and spare
parts;
- the emergence of agents who sell to distant national and
international markets;
- the growth of specialized producer services in technical,
financial and accounting matters and,
- the formation of associations providing services and lobbying
for its members” (Schmitz 95).
Table 9. illustrates the above characteristics of the cluster,
the integrated character of the industrial activities, their
dimensions and the complementary characteristics of the members
of the cluster.
The 70 export agents that appear in the table undertake additional
producer services besides trade such as freelance designers,
technical and financial consultants and specialized transport
services. Institutional infrastructure that has been created as
a result of the cluster includes three centers for specialized
training and technical services for the shoe and leather industry;
six specialized industrial associations and two professional associations.
In 1991 Sinos Valley exported 100 million pairs, 70% of its output,
for US$ 900 million.
The analysis of the Sinos Valley cluster showed the important
role played by export agents in promoting exports. However the
cluster manufacturers relied heavily on the advise and technical
assistance given by the agents (bringing new designs and assisting
firms in attaining international quality and delivering standards)
and invested little in product development and marketing concentrating
on the US market where 70% of exports went at the time of the
analysis (Schmitz 1995).
|
|
Table - The Sinos Valley footwear cluster - Types of
firms, numbers and workers in 1991
|
Activity
|
Firms
|
Direct Jobs
|
|
Footwear industry
|
480
|
70,000
|
|
Service – workshops
|
710
|
18,000
|
|
Tanning industry
|
135
|
22,000
|
|
Leather and footwear machines industry
|
45
|
3,600
|
|
Components industry
|
223
|
28,000
|
|
Rubber industry
|
26
|
1,900
|
|
Leather articles industry
|
52
|
4,900
|
|
Export and forwarding agents
|
70
|
2,000
|
|
Others
|
80
|
3,000
|
|
Total
|
1,821
|
153,400
|
|
|
Source: ABAEX (1992). Projections on information
from FEE, AICSUL, ACI-NH, SINDIMAQ, SINBORSUL, Municipal Government
of Novo Hamburgo in: Schmitz H.
Characteristics of the cluster, such as the concentration of
skills, the proximity of suppliers and the existence of self-help
institutions have been identified as the reasons for the accelerated
response of producers to government incentives to export and the
stable management of business during their gradual dismantling.
It has been also highlighted how well Sinos Valley was able to
escape the continuous microeconomic crisis in Brazil during the
80s and early 90s(Schmitz 1995).
Sinos Valley Revisited -Raising Competitiveness through Upgrading
Further analysis conducted by Schmitz after 1995, investigated
whether enterprises in the export-oriented Silos Valley had intensified
cooperation to face increasing global competition in leather
footwear markets. Research results showed a substantial increase
in bilateral vertical cooperation for example, joint work during
design and production between producer of components and the
user of components, contributing in this manner to major advances
in raising product quality, speed of response and flexibility.
While bilateral cooperation increased, multilateral cooperation
oriented to the creation of alliances along the total value chain
collapsed. This happened in spite of the operational success
the cluster had shown up to the 80’s and the fact that its competitive
advantage was not based in cheap labour but on the collective
efficiency of specialized manufacturers and suppliers. The research
conducted by Schmitz registered improvements in production during
the 90s but indicated that improvements had only allowed the
cluster to merely maintain its position. Exports in 1997 were
at the same level as those of 1990 and profits had declined.
These findings confirm the opinions of Kaplinsky and others who
had predicted that concentrating activities on the manufacture
component of labour intensive value chains might not lead to sustainable
income growth and that a better strategy for securing income
growth would be shifting towards stages of the chain with greater
value added, i.e. upgrading within the value chain into the design
and marketing components. The latter was the main objective of
the “Shoes from Brazil Multilateral Programme” that had started
in the 90s but had failed mainly due to the impossibility of promoting
stable alliances along the value chain, among Sinos Valley enterprises
Table - Horizontal and Vertical Cooperation in Sinos
Valley in the 90s
|
|
Bilateral (example)
|
Multilateral (example)
|
|
Horizontal
|
Sharing equipment
|
Sectoral association
|
|
Vertical
|
Producer and user improving components
|
Alliance along value
added chain
|
Source: Schmitz, 1998
|
|
According to Schmitz (1998), the program failed because globalization
makes local cooperation very difficult and in this case produced
two effects: “some leading enterprises put their alliance with
a major global buyer above cooperation with local manufacturers;
and the state failed to mediate at critical moments between conflicting
business associations and entrepreneurial alliances”.
3.3.2 Outsourcing (Verite 2000)
Manufacturers from the United States and other developed countries
began to outsource production from independently owned factories
in the 80s, when international financing was made available to
develop factory facilities in developing countries.
There are many advantages in outsourcing for already established
manufacturing enterprises managing export markets: increasing
capacity and flexibility without investing, specialization, reduced
production costs, reduced delivery times and provision of opportunities
to experiment with new production lines and suppliers without
having to take financial risks. Generally, costs involved in
the production of new samples are absorbed by the producing company
in the hope of receiving an order. Outsourcing has become very
common in labour intensive industries such as apparel and footwear.
Outsourcing fulfills the desire of multinational corporations
to buy and market goods from developing countries and complies
with the wishes of manufacturers in developing countries to do
production-work and thus participate in the global business world.
Several constraints common in the manufacturing enterprises of
developing countries make it difficult to bring the parties together:
- Lack of market information in developing countries new in
the international markets
- Lack of English speaking staff in manufacturers from developing
countries
- Poor communication infrastructure available to developing
countries manufacturers
- Poor physical infrastructure to reach factories located in
marginal areas
- Lack of experience in negotiating the contracts required by
multinational corporations.
Multinationals often have overseas offices to make direct arrangements
with manufacturers and only the largest and most sophisticated
overseas manufacturers make direct arrangements with US companies.
Middlemen facilitate negotiations outside these traditional,
well-established channels (Verite 2000). There are three types
of middlemen operating in the US market and the EU: contractors,
agents and trading companies.
Middlemen operating global chains (Verite 2000)
|
Contractors:
|
Hired by MNC to contract with manufacturers to produce
specified goods. Work on commission. Profits can range
from 10 to 400% of the manufacturing price.
|
|
Agents:
|
An individual or a small company that works directly with
overseas manufacturers or larger contractors and helps
facilitate outsourcing deals in a number of ways, linking
the two parties, providing information, facilitating license
approval among others. A commission is paid by MNCs, contractors
or manufacturers of between 1 and 10% of the value of the
good purchased.
|
|
Freelance agents:
|
Are former trading agents or managers of companies that
rely on their former factory suppliers. In the case of
Chinese agents, their lean operations allow them to undersell
other intermediaries in the market.
|
|
Trading Companies:
|
These companies take ownership of goods and resell them
to US manufacturers, merchandisers and retailers.
|
|
|
3.3.3 Multinationals as Buyers within Global Networks
The footwear chain is, as is the garments chain, managed by global
buyers and supplied by producers from developing countries. Schmitz
and Knorringa (2000) examined the extent of progressive upgrading
in the footwear chain through interviews with large buyers in
the United States and Europe specialised in quality brands and
in price-driven volume segments of the market.
Developing country producers must have access to "chains-lead
firms", which are the marketing agents that coordinate and
integrate internationally dispersed activities.
Buyer companies, also called sourcing companies, are becoming
bigger and stronger and have a growing influence on the whole
supply chain. As stated above, they frequently control the design
and specification of the product, as well as the marketing and
influence the processing and the implementation of quality systems.
Sourcing companies are creating partnerships with suppliers with
whom they increasingly share information on processes, quality
and specifications.
In the case of footwear, there is according to Schmitz a fundamental
clash when it comes to upgrading within the value chain. The
reason being that although the buyers are interested in the upgrading
of production, they are rarely interested in helping producers
in acquiring their own design capability, developing their own
brand names, or establishing their own marketing channels. This
conclusion was derived from a study of Sinos Valley export manufacturers.
In the early 90s manufacturers were found locked into production
with very low possibilities of inserting themselves into higher
stages of the value chain for it would put them in conflict with
their existing buyers.
There were however in the Sinos Valley isolated cases of producers
inserting themselves into the marketing stage. Producers that
had created their own design and marketing expertise mainly for
the internal market had started exporting to the USA and Eastern
Europe; an exporter to the USA had also opened its own stores
for serving the Brazilian market. In another case, a consortium
of four producing enterprises had set up their own company for
marketing their products in other South American countries (Schmitz
and Knorringa 2000).
Regional share in World Leather Footwear exports
|
 |
|
Trends in World Leather Footwear exports – 1985–96

|
|
3.3.4 Buyers View of Producing Countries
A survey among footwear buyers was conducted by Schmitz to investigate
the performance in the footwear chain of three developing countries
and Italy. The replies allowed the identification of competitive
advantages for each country as illustrated in Figures 9, 10 and
table 11.
Italy´s greatest strength lies on innovative design; Brazil had
equaled or surpassed Italy in other parameters but appeared weak
on price. Clearly price seems to be the main reason for buyers
placing orders from China and India. China appears far superior
to India in most parameters with the exception of coping with
small orders where India appears better.
The results of the survey indicated that the suitable markets
for China are those which give very large price-driven orders
offering reliable product quality, for Brazil middle class retail
chains supplying quality branded products while Italy’s markets
will continue to supply small and high fashion orders from boutiques.
Figure 9
|
|
Performance Comparison, Italy - Brazil

|
|
Figure 10
Performance Comparison, China – India

|
|
Table 11
Competitive Advantages of four Footwear Producing Countries
|
Country
|
Competitive Advantages
|
Suitable Markets
|
|
China
|
- Cheap source of footwear
- Reliable product quality
- Strong in coping with massive standardized
orders
|
Huge price-driven orders from US discount retail chains.
|
|
Brazil
|
Capable of supplying substantial volumes of quality branded
products, not requiring particularly innovative design
|
Middle class retail chains
|
|
India
|
Capable of responding to small to medium size orders of
leather shoes which sell on price rather than quality
|
Price- driven medium size markets
|
|
Italy
|
Innovative design, high quality fashion
|
Small and high fashion orders from boutiques
|
Source: Interviews with US and European buyers,
undertaken by H. Schmitz included in IDS Working Paper 100.
|
|